This book, then, tells a painful story, but it also offers hope. We have a century ahead of us: we have a treatment for root shock; we have the possibility of preventing further damage by nurturing the world’s neighborhoods instead of destroying them; we who care about the community are many. M.T. Fullilove, Root Shock (2004)

Mindy Thompson Fullilove first proposed the concept of ‘root shock’ in a 2001 paper published in the Journal of Urban Health. She borrowed the term root shock from botanists who use it to describe the stress experienced by transplanted trees or shrubs. If the plant’s roots are damaged or poorly developed, their limited water and nutrient uptake makes them susceptible to injury from weather, insects, or disease. In combination, these stressors may prove fatal. Fullilove proposed that the massive destruction of neighbourhoods is similarly distressing and harmful to human communities. Groups that experience forced displacement have heightened physical and mental health risks, struggle financially, and are politically marginalized if not entirely disempowered. These harms may last lifetimes and can be passed on to future generations. A study of upheaval in five US cities allowed Fullilove and her team to elaborate on these consequences. The results were presented in her book, Root Shock: How Tearing Up City Neighborhoods Hurts America and What We Can Do About It (2004). 

This special issue of Built Environment marks the twentieth anniversary of the publication of that book. The essays, case studies, and research presented here are authored by journalists, community organizers, historians, social geographers, public health researchers, and urban policy scholars. The papers attest to the impact of Fullilove’s work, elaborate on her concept of ‘root shock’, contribute analyses that affirm the book’s core paradigm linking human life and wellbeing to the qualities of urban environments, and codify her research methods. While disruption and community displacement affect the whole world, we focus in this issue on historic and contemporary situations in Ireland and the United States because of their shared history of being colonized by Britain, which used forced displacement as state policy for control of land and populations.

The questions that inspired Root Shock formed during Fullilove’s years of inquiry into epidemics in minority neighbourhoods beginning with the AIDS epidemic in the 1980s in the cities of San Francisco and Oakland in northern California. In New York City in the 1990s she sought to understand the underlying causes of multiple epidemics including AIDS, crack cocaine addiction, violence, mental illness related to violence, asthma, multi-drug resistant tuberculosis and obesity. The concentration of these epidemics in specific city neighbourhoods suggested that place plays a role, so Fullilove set about tracing how policies, such as urban renewal, destabilized communities and weakened the social bonds that enable groups to weather adversity. 

The Urban Renewal Act of 1949 was intended to combat urban ‘blight’. With the backing of the US Federal Government, officials in cities across the United States set about demolishing blocks and even entire neighbourhoods. However, rather than remedying blight and transforming ‘slums’ into vibrant, safe, and healthy neighbourhoods, urban renewal intensified the harms of urban poverty by sorting cities by race and class. Poor communities of colour were uprooted and concentrated in areas with sub-par housing and few services.

In 1961, the New York State Advisory Committee to the US Commission on Civil Rights predicted that the net effect of urban renewal would be ‘to increase the nonwhite concentration in peripheral areas and to accelerate blight because of overcrowding, landlord exploitation, and neglect of repairs of buildings’ (State Advisory Committees, 1961, p. 438). The programme ended in 1968 with passage of Title VIII of the Civil Rights Act, also known as the Fair Housing Act, which outlawed racial discrimination in federal housing programmes. By that time, approximately 2,500 urban renewal projects in 993 cities had displaced an estimated one million people, 75 per cent of them people of colour (Kaufman et al., 2023). 

In Root Shock Fullilove provides a detailed account of urban renewal projects in the cities of Newark, New Jersey; Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; and Roanoke, Virginia. Her research documented the long-term effects of root shock, which include: intense stress; trauma and prolonged grief; high rates of infectious and chronic diseases; poverty; housing insecurity; limited access to education and healthcare; and a lack of political power, which hobbles efforts to seek redress and petition for much-needed state investments. She also reports that displacement is far from over. Redlining and urban renewal were followed by the Federal government’s Hope VI programme, which resulted in the demolition of tens of thousands of units of public housing in the 1990s and 2000s. Today, residents of poor and low wealth neighbourhoods are displaced by gentrification and other forms of real-estate speculation and wealth extraction. 

Among Fullilove’s signal contributions to the fields of urban studies and public health is her focus on the collective psychological and emotional harms that follow displacement. She makes this clear in her definition of root shock as ‘the traumatic stress reaction to the loss of all or part of one’s emotional ecosystem’ (Fullilove, 2004, p. 15). Just as the health of the plant is dependent on its relationship – its rootedness – to its environment, so the health of each person is affected by their belonging to place and community. If the soil is polluted, the plant cannot thrive; similarly, if an urban environment suffers disinvestment and isolation, the resulting insecurity and stress will disrupt the social bonds that secure a sense of place. Here Fullilove outlines the domino effect of this rupture which may include, for example, the loss of a neighbour ready to help without being asked:

I know, as a psychiatrist, that, at the level of the individual, the loss of neighbors who ‘automatically came’ was devastating. At the level of the community, the loss of the collective capacity to solve problems in order to make progress became a permanently crippling one. Social scientists have established that social loss of that order makes people vulnerable. After a loss, a second blow will hurt more and do its damage more quickly than the first, setting in motion an accelerating downward spiral of collapse. Thus, for the displaced citizens, urban renewal sapped resources and depleted strength in a manner that increased vulnerability not simply for a few years, but for many decades to come. Perhaps, most problematic, the dismantling of some poor, disenfranchised neighborhoods for the ‘greater good’ pitted one section of the city against the other, and unleashed divisions and hostilities that remain a heavy burden for the city to bear. (Fullilove, 2004, p. 99)

Root Shock is far more than a history of displacement and its disasters. That history and its emotion-laden counterpart, memory, are prelude to the book’s inquiry into survival and healing. When acknowledging that Root Shock ‘tells a painful story’, Fullilove quickly adds that, ‘it also offers hope’ (ibid., p. 7). This hope is practised in her methodology and embodied in Root Shock’s multiple protagonists.

Fullilove walks the streets of the focal cities, repeatedly, observing both what remains and what is absent. She combs through archives so that she might tie large themes to locations and the people who live there. She listens to the lamentations of those who have been displaced and to the steely wisdom of those who stay or return and fight to hold on to home and community. She shares the pages of the book so that others may speak to us directly. And she recounts multiple episodes of collective problem solving in gatherings that hold doubt, confusion, and suspicion alongside creativity and solidarity. In these moments we learn that the choice is not between pain or hope: they are a package. Rather, we must choose between inaction and action, specifically collective action.

Fullilove proposes that root shock affects us all and we can only solve it by working together. ‘I venture to propose’, she writes in the opening pages of Root Shock, ‘that displacement is the problem the twenty-first century must solve’ (ibid., p. 5). A few pages later she explains why it is constitutive of our epoch and, therefore, implicates us all: ‘[Displacement] rips apart emotional connections in one part of the globe and sets in motion small changes that spread out across the world, shifting the direction of all interpersonal connections’ (ibid., p. 17). This map of sorrow also emphasizes our interdependence which guides us to the antidote to root shock: connection. 

The principle is simple: we – that is to say, all people – live in an emotional ecosystem that attaches us to the environment, not just as our individual selves, but as beings caught in a single, universal net of consciousness anchored in small niches we call neighborhoods or hamlets or villages. Because of the interconnectedness of the net, if your place is destroyed today, I will feel it hereafter. (Ibid.)

Fullilove’s empathic awareness threads through the final chapters of Root Shock where she outlines principles we might follow to create human rights-oriented urban environments. Each principle is a variation on the theme of connection:

• Respect the Common Life the Way You Would an Individual Life
• Treasure the Buildings History Has Given Us
• Break the Cycle of Disinvestment
• Ensure Freedom of Movement

In the two books published after Root Shock – Urban Alchemy: Restoring Joy in America’s Sorted-Out Cities (2013) and Main Street: How a City’s Heart Connects Us All (2020) – Fullilove develops these principles into strategies we can use to create cities that connect rather than displace and segregate their inhabitants. In sheer numbers of pages, these latter volumes in her urban restoration trilogy tip the scales towards hope.

Fullilove’s vivid and compassionate reportage, theoretical insights, and principled and pragmatic advice have earned Root Shock a devoted and diverse following. In keeping with her central metaphor, the book favours poetry over jargon: she speaks plainly to both heart and head. Individuals who have been or are being displaced, feel recognized: their upheavals are indeed shocking and do disturb the very roots of both being and belonging. Community organizers working to protect and secure people and their homes find they are part of movements that have long struggled against the exploitation and segregation of poor, minority urban communities. Geographers, urban planners, architects, and public health researchers and healthcare providers are aligned in Fullilove’s assertion that individual and collective lives and environments are inextricably linked. And policy makers use the book to equip themselves with the analysis, principles, and actions required to do good. 

The papers gathered here are similarly diverse in approach and investment. They include dispatches from two of the cities featured in Root Shock, Roanoke and Pittsburgh. While root shock affects community across the world, we solicited original papers from the US and Ireland because of their shared histories as colonies of Britain and the implementation of forced displacement as state policy for control of land and populations. The legacies of this history are taken up in papers that address mass criminalization in the US and the plight of migrants and renters in Ireland. 

The first two essays in the issue are dispatches from the cities of Roanoke, Virginia (Bishop, 2024) and Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania (Holland et al., 2024). These city’s urban renewal projects and associated upheavals were researched extensively by Fullilove and her team. 

Mary Bishop, a journalist at the Roanoke Times, began reporting in 1991 on the destruction of two of Roanoke’s predominantly Black neighbourhoods, Northeast and Gainsboro. Her interviews with former residents of these neighbourhoods inspired Fullilove to visit the city where she walked the bulldozed blocks, searched the city archives, and listened to accounts of displacement in the decades of sadness that followed. In her essay for this special issue, Bishop examines how memory is shaped in Roanoke. The stories of and feelings for the city, are, like its neighbourhoods, segregated. Former Black residents of Northeast and Gainsboro embody the trauma of displacement and hold close their memories of a vital neighbourhood that White outsiders considered blighted. Bishop holds city officials and her fellow journalists complicit in White forgetting. In contrast, she, a White woman, and new to the city in 1991 when she began her research, becomes a witness to and archivist of the aftermath of urban renewal. By accompanying those who are recovering from the loss of home and community, Bishop helps reconnect the city with its past. 

In Pittsburgh, Fullilove found a Black community ready to fight for its neighbourhood. The Hill District, renowned for its music, theatre, and visual arts, was hard hit by urban renewal. But residents were organizing to stay. At the invitation of Terri Baltimore and other community organizers, Fullilove visited the Hill District multiple times. In his dispatch from contemporary Pittsburgh, historian Dan Holland records Terri Baltimore and Phil Hallen’s memories of Fullilove’s visits in the mid-1990s. Hallen was then the President of the Maurice Falk Medical Fund, which funded Fullilove’s contributions to the process of fighting HOPE VI projects. Fullilove encouraged community members to tell their story, claim their place in the city, and plan for the future. Holland notes, however, that over the past two decades, the city’s Black population has declined significantly due to Hope VI policies and gentrification; the former demolished many of Pittsburgh public housing units and the latter is pricing people out of their neighbourhoods and, in some cases, the city.

The problem of gentrification is also the focus of a research report by Fullilove and her colleagues (Fullilove et al., 2024). This paper, one of five concerning root shock in the US, discusses the results of a three-year-long comparative investigation of situations in Orange, New Jersey, where gentrification is still in an early phase, and the Shaw neighbourhood in Washington DC, which is now almost completely gentrified. Interviews in both locations document the many stressors that accompany gentrification, including displacement, the loss of cultural community and social bonds, increased rents, and abandonment by elected officials. The authors, much like Holland in Pittsburgh, underscore the ongoing vulnerability of working class, majority people of colour urban neighbourhoods. Efforts to counteract gentrification have been successful but much remains to be done to reverse policies that depress land values and weaken political connections thereby exposing communities to exploitation. The authors also note that capital accumulation through the control of housing markets is increasingly global in nature. To counter these forces requires strategies that, while rooted in the local, also combat these macro structures.

Real estate exploitation is at the heart of Wallace and Wallace’s analysis of voter suppression in the South Bronx neighbourhoods of New York City (Wallace and Wallace, 2024). They explain systematically how public policies generated by the real estate industry disempower communities. Community after community of immigrants and people of colour were displaced by redlining, urban renewal, and planned shrinkage, which is the deliberate withdrawal of public funding from neighbourhoods. They were soon replaced by people pushed out of Harlem and other majority minority areas of the city. Multiple episodes of forced displacement weakened social bonds and place attachment making it difficult to get out the vote. In the 1933 mayoral election, 32 per cent of the entire population of the Bronx voted. In the 2021 mayoral election, less than 19 per cent of registered voters in South and Central Bronx cast a ballot. As discussed in Root Shock, this multi-generational process of disempowerment is related to health problems.

In 2011 Mindy Fullilove and Rodrick Wallace (2011) described how neighbourhoods often experienced multiple forms of upheaval, a process they called ‘serial forced displacement’. The policies they implicate include, among others, redlining, urban renewal, planned shrinkage, deindustrialization, and mass criminalization. Taylor, Whitfield, Rogers and Sember use this observation as the starting point for their examination of the root shock of mass incarceration (Taylor et al., 2024). Again, it is majority Black communities that bear the brunt of the carceral system. Family separation, community fragmentation, and the over-policing and incarceration of people from majority Black neighbourhoods are, they argue, both direct and indirect causes of ill health, economic distress, and disempowerment.

Care for place and community is at the heart of the final two US-focused papers. Both address the powerful and healing role Black women play in communities wounded by root shock.

In Urban Alchemy: Restoring Joy in America’s Sorted-Out Cities (2013), Fullilove celebrates the restorative potential of settlement houses. Established at the turn of the twentieth century to serve the urban poor and European immigrants, Settlement Houses might offer education, healthcare, childcare, and employment resources. Most importantly, they provide ‘common space within which individuals from disconnected groups can connect in new and interesting ways [and from] those new openings for exchange, new capacity is created for problem identification and solution’ (Fullilove 2013, p. 256). Sister Anetha Perry grew up in her family home in Camden, New Jersey, which operated as a settlement house for her majority Black neighbourhood. In a paper co-authored with her doctoral dissertation advisor, Stephen Danley, Sister Perry documents the arduous process of restoring and reopening Perry House, which she inherited in 2013 (Perry and Danley, 2024). ‘Good neighbouring’ she concludes, is essential to repairing communities wounded by disinvestment and displacement. Danley finds, in the reopening of Perry House, confirmation that ‘bottom-up’ approaches to regeneration are possible.

Urban Alchemy features in the title of Versey, Reyes and Yeh’s report on their ethnographic research into the contributions Black older women make to lower-income urban neighbourhoods (Versey et al., 2024). Drawing from environmental gerontology, and Black and feminist geography, the authors explore with the women they interview how actions of ‘Black placemaking’ create sites of belonging, endurance, and resistance. Their work reiterates many of the themes discussed above, including the importance of memory, the integration of hurt and healing, and the power that lies in connection. This research surfaces long-ignored stories of power and healing that demonstrate how Black communities navigate the tumult of root shock. 

Gerry Kearns, a human geographer at the National University of Ireland, Maynooth, is editor of the five papers from Ireland, one of which he authored. He explains that these papers, ‘contribute to a broad appreciation of root shock as a way to conceptualize the disruption of place-based emotional ecosystems by state practice or state-assisted capitalism, and to trace the consequences and legacies for community and ideology’ (Kearns, 2024). 

In his paper, Kearns considers the legacies of root shock and post-colonial trauma. He opens with a reading of a 2021 image by the artist Spicebag. The image is both a depiction of evictions conducted in 2018 by members of a private security firm and the Dublin police and a palimpsest: Spicebag uses, as background, an 1845 painting by John Joseph Tracey depicting the eviction of a family during the Great Famine. Thus, events from different historical moments are made simultaneously present. A psychologist may see in this a representation of multi-generational trauma. A political economist may read it as a depiction of structural violence. Kearns combines these perspectives as he guides us through Ireland’s affective and historical topography. His extensive inventory of forced displacement supports his assertion that root shock, a tactic of colonial rule, is now a feature of the neoliberal state. This argument resurfaces in other papers in this section.

Two of the papers introduce and define particular forms of root shock: Broe (2024) proposes that gentrification is experienced as ‘displacement in place’ and Till and McArdle (2024) write of ‘route shock’, the disruption of the spatial and cultural circuits used by Irish Travellers, an indigenous ethnic minority. 

The final two Irish papers offer examples of contemporary efforts to fracture communities and undermine solidarity: McDonald (2024) reports on how manufactured conflicts between single-parent households and refugee groups advance ethnic nationalism and Gavin and O’Callaghan (2024), writing from within the tenants’ rights struggles in Dublin, record efforts to foment dissention and thereby disempower the movement.

Kearns, in his role as editor of this section, provides, towards the end of his essay, the following overview of these papers:

The energy of resistance to modern urban eviction, outlined by Gavin and O’Callaghan draws on the historical memory of rural eviction. Broe documents how modern neoliberal urban policies undermine those earlier state policies that reacted to a legacy of urban root shock by providing inner-city social housing. She reveals working-class anger and sadness at the dissolution of these earlier victories under the threat of a new round of urban root shock. McDonald describes how the threat of homelessness is part of social policy with respect to the urban poor, particularly lone-parent mothers raising children. The traumatic root shock of these women has been exploited by ethnic nationalists to make the case that Ireland should not meet its obligations towards other victims of root shock, namely international refugees. One strain of the ethnic nationalism mobilized here has repeatedly surfaced in hostility towards the Traveller community in Ireland. Indeed, as Till and McArdle lay out, state policy has denied these people access to their traditional stopping places, forcing upon them a settled life on marginal and underfunded estates. They too have seen their emotional ecosystem razed and they too suffer the physical and mental health consequences of a root shock. 

The final paper in the issue discusses Situation Analysis, the research method Fullilove and her team used when studying the long-term effects of urban renewal (Ramirez, Gonzalez, Hudson and Blanco). Fullilove has explained that she intended to include a methods statement in an appendix to Root Shock (personal communication). This paper does the work of that missing appendix. Situation Analysis is used to study the relationship between macro-political, social, and economic structures and micro-level events, processes, and decision-making. In Root Shock, the aim to describe how urban renewal, nested with well-established racist structures in the US, came to define the material and emotional lives of generations of poor and low-income Black communities. The connection registers in the loss of home, neighbours, and places. After explaining the three phases of situation analysis – Identifying ‘what happened’ and the people involved; Documenting a variety of perspectives; Setting the events and perspectives within an embedding context – the authors provide advice on working with a variety of data, including interviews and archival materials (Ramirez et al., 2024).

As we mark the twentieth anniversary of the publication of Root Shock, we might consider how its concepts, insights, and approach may evolve over the next two decades. While grateful for the book, we also lament the conditions that make it necessary. The evidence supporting Fullilove’s observation that, ‘displacement is the problem the twenty-first century must solve’ (Fullilove, 2004, p. 5) is now measured in the millions. This number seems set to grow exponentially in the decades to come as conflicts continue and climate change intensifies. 

According to the UNHCR (2023) in early 2022, the number of people forced to flee war, violence, and persecution worldwide surpassed 100 million for the first time. Over half of today’s international refugees come from just three countries: Syria (nearly 25 per cent of the total global refugee population), Afghanistan (one in every six refugees, over 6.1 million people), and Ukraine (5.8 million refugees) (Concern Worldwide, 2023). On average, 44,000 people leave their homes due to conflict and persecution every day (Concern Worldwide 2022).

The war in Gaza has, at time of writing, displaced 1.7 million people. Eighty per cent of the occupants of Gaza were considered refugees before the war. Now, internally displaced, they are refugees twice over. According to AJLabs (2024) approximately 35,000 Gazans have died so far in the conflict. Some 370,000 homes in Gaza, almost half of all homes in the region, have been damaged, and 79,000 have been destroyed. The United Nations Development Program and the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia estimate that it could take up to 80 years to rebuild what the Israeli military has destroyed (Patil, 2024).

Damian Carrington (2024), an environmental editor at the Guardian recently reported that multiple scientists who have contributed to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) believe that global warming will soon exceed the long-held 1.5°C target. They now anticipate temperatures to rise by 2.5–3°C. ‘Many of the scientists envisage a “semi-dystopian” future’, writes Carrington, ‘with famines, conflicts and mass migration, driven by heatwaves, wildfires, floods and storms of an intensity and frequency far beyond those that have already struck’.

Fullilove follows her proposition ‘that displacement is the problem the twenty-first century must solve’ with the following observations:

Africans and aborigines, rural peasants and city dwellers have been shunted from one place to another, as progress has demanded ‘Land here!’ or ‘People there!’ In cutting the roots of so many people, we have destroyed language, culture, dietary traditions, and social bonds. We have lined the oceans with bones, and filled the garbage dumps with bricks. What are we to do? (Fullilove, 2004, p. 5)

What are we to do indeed! Some may think they can kill their way forward or that higher walls and larger prisons will ease anxieties. Or, we might follow Fullilove’s advice and acknowledge our interconnectedness: ‘if your place is destroyed today, I will feel it hereafter’ (ibid., p. 17).

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• Bishop, M. (1995) Street by street, block by block: how urban renewal uprooted Black Roanoke. Roanoke Times, 29 January, pp. 1–12.
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